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You are here: BAILII >> Databases >> England and Wales Court of Appeal (Civil Division) Decisions >> Aziz v Aziz & Ors Rev 1 [2007] EWCA Civ 712 (11 July 2007) URL: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWCA/Civ/2007/712.html Cite as: [2008] 2 All ER 501, [2007] EWCA Civ 712 |
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COURT OF APPEAL (CIVIL DIVISION)
ON APPEAL FROM QUEENS BENCH DIVISION
MR JUSTICE GRAY AND MR JUSTICE UNDERHILL
HQ05X00091
Strand, London, WC2A 2LL |
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B e f o r e :
LORD JUSTICE SEDLEY
and
LORD JUSTICE LAWRENCE COLLINS
____________________
MARIAM AZIZ |
Claimant |
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- and - |
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AZIZ & ORS |
Defendants |
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-and- |
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HM THE SULTAN OF BRUNEI |
Intervener/Appellant |
____________________
Sir Michael Wood (Advocate to the Court) (instructed by HM Treasury Solicitor)
Mr Max Mallin (instructed by Davenport Lyons) for the Claimant
Mrs Aviva Amir, 10th Defendant/Respondent, in person
Hearing date: June 11, 2007
____________________
Crown Copyright ©
Lord Justice Lawrence Collins:
I Introduction
II The proceedings
III The Arguments
A Submissions on behalf of the Sultan
B Submissions of the Advocate to the court
C Submissions of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office
IV Conclusions
The application of section 20 of the 1978 Act
"(1) Subject to the provisions of this section and to any necessary modifications, the Diplomatic Privileges Act 1964 shall apply to –
(a) a sovereign or other head of State;
…
as it applies to the head of a diplomatic mission ….
….
(5) This section applies to the sovereign or other head of any State on which immunities and privileges are conferred by Part I of this Act and is without prejudice to the application of that Part to any such sovereign or head of State in his public capacity."
Article 29 of the Vienna Convention
"The person of a diplomatic agent shall be inviolable. He shall not be liable to any form of arrest or detention. The receiving State shall treat him with due respect and shall take all appropriate steps to prevent any attack on his person, freedom or dignity."
Personal immunity
"26. A critical standard for the Commission in applying international diplomatic law must be the impact of the events complained about on the functioning of the diplomatic mission. Particularly in light of the limited resources and time allocated to this Commission and the serious claims of international humanitarian law violations presented by the Parties, and remaining attentive to the principle of reciprocity, the Commission again is constrained to look for serious violations impeding the effective functioning of the diplomatic mission.
….
35. Similarly, the Commission dismisses the related claim that the Respondent violated Article 29 of the Vienna Convention …by failing to protect the Chargé from students allegedly throwing rocks at his car …. The Claimant failed to prove that this relatively minor incident chilled the Chargé's performance of his functions."
"Affirming that special treatment is to be given to a Head of State or a Head of Government, as a representative of that State and not in his or her personal interest, because this is necessary for the exercise of his or her functions and the fulfilment of his or her responsibilities in an independent and effective manner, in the well-conceived interest of both the State or the Government of which he or she is the Head and the international community as a whole."
Content of the obligation and the concept of "dignity"
"Consequences of the dignity of states. Traditional international law has ascribed certain legal consequences to the dignity of states as inherent in their international personality. These are chiefly the right to demand that their Heads of State shall not be libelled and slandered; that their Heads of State ... shall be granted special treatment when abroad, and that at home and abroad in the official intercourse with representatives of foreign states they shall be granted certain titles; ... But while a government of a state, its organs, and its servants are bound in this matter by duties of respect and restraint, it is doubtful whether, apart from obligations in such matters as the protection of diplomatic and consular property, a state is bound to prevent its subjects from committing acts which violate the dignity of foreign states, and to punish them for acts of that kind which it was unable to prevent. There is, of course, nothing to prevent a state from enacting legislation calculated to ensure respect for the dignity of other states, and many have done so.
Mere criticism of policy, judgment concerning the past attitude of states and their rulers, or utterances of moral indignation condemning immoral acts of foreign governments and their Heads of State, need neither be suppressed nor punished. The position is different when the persons in question are in governmental service or otherwise associated with the government of the country."
"The majority of text-book writers maintain that there is a fundamental right of reputation attaching to every State. Such a right, however, does not exist, because no duty corresponding to it can be traced within the Law of Nations. Indeed, the reputation of a State depends just as much upon behaviour as that of every citizen within its boundaries. A State which has a corrupt Government and behaves unfairly and perfidiously in its intercourse with other States will be looked down upon and despised, whereas a State which has an upright Government and behaves fairly and justly in its international dealings will be highly esteemed."
"No law can give a good name and reputation to a rogue, and the Law of Nations does not and cannot give a right to reputation and good name to such a State as has not acquired them through its attitude. There are some States – nomina sunt odiosa! – which indeed justly possess a bad reputation."
"During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and in the early years of [the twentieth] century, States tended to treat particularly severely the publication of offensive material about foreign Heads of State. In more modern times this tendency is much less marked, and States have been less willing to take action against the publication of material which foreign Heads of State perceive to be offensive to them."
"In my judgment, Article 29 is not breached either by the court hearing the issue relating to sovereign immunity in open court, or by this court hearing an appeal in public against the President's decision to hear the sovereign immunity issue in private. The prevention of any attack on the [King's] person, freedom or dignity seems to me a concept which goes to the substance of the [King's] argument that he is entitled to immunity from suit because enforced engagement in litigation relating to his private life is an attack on his dignity: it does not seem to me an argument which - certainly on the facts of this case - can properly be raised to protect the [King] from publicity arising from the deployment of his plea of sovereign immunity in open court."
"1. The premises of the mission shall be inviolable. The agents of the receiving State may not enter them, except with the consent of the head of the mission.
2. The receiving State is under a special duty to take all appropriate steps to protect the premises of the mission against any intrusion or damage and to prevent any disturbance of the peace of the mission or impairment of its dignity.
…"
"But subject to protection against those classes of conduct, the sending State takes the receiving State as it finds it. If it finds it with a well established tradition of free expression, including public comment on matters of domestic and international politics, it cannot invoke either Article 22(2) or Article 29 against manifestations of that tradition."
"If there were in the last analysis no more in this case than a quiet peaceful gathering on the lawn (in front of the premises of the United States Embassy) of persons shouting slogans and carrying placards of the kind in question here, with no risk of intrusion or damage to the premises, I would have some doubt whether there was any basis for believing that such action in such a place could reasonably amount to impairing the dignity of the mission, which is, after all, a political body. As such, it must presumably accommodate itself to the existence of strong disagreement with some of the policies of its government and to the direct and forceful verbal expressions of such disapproval. I appreciate that something may turn on the closeness of those concerned to the premises and on the extravagance or insulting nature of the language used, but, for myself, I would like to keep this whole subject open until, if ever, it arises for decision."
"Thus, the fact that an interest is recognised in international law does not automatically render that interest 'compelling' for purposes of First Amendment analysis. We need not decide today whether, or to what extent, the dictates of international law could ever require that First Amendment analysis be adjusted to accommodate the interests of foreign officials. Even if we assume that international law recognises a dignity interest and that it should be considered sufficiently 'compelling' to support a content-based restriction on speech, we conclude that [the law relating to display of signs] is not narrowly tailored to serve that interest…"
"… States have been reluctant to take any action against the publication by the press and other media of offensive material about foreign Heads of State. In the United Kingdom, the Government takes the view that, given the legal right to freedom of expression, it would be inappropriate to curtail publication even of offensive material and that its obligation under Article 29 is satisfied by the existence of the ordinary law on defamation which would enable Heads of State to seek a remedy themselves in appropriate cases."
Remedies
"As the paramount object must always be to do justice, the general rule as to publicity, after all only the means to an end, must accordingly yield. But the burden lies on those seeking to displace its application in the particular case to make out that the ordinary rule must as of necessity be superseded by this paramount consideration."
"… in all cases where the public has been excluded with admitted propriety the underlying principle, as it seems to me, is that the administration of justice would be rendered impracticable by their presence, whether because the case could not be effectively tried, or the parties entitled to justice would be reasonably deterred from seeking it at the hands of the Court."
"The Court reiterates that the public character of proceedings before the judicial bodies referred to in art 6(1) protects litigants against the administration of justice in secret with no public scrutiny; it is also one of the means whereby confidence in the courts, superior and inferior, can be maintained. By rendering the administration of justice visible, publicity contributes to the achievement of the aim of art 6(1), namely a fair trial, the guarantee of which is one of the fundamental principles of any democratic society …
[A]rt 6(1) does not, however, prohibit courts from deciding, in the light of the special features of the case submitted to them, to derogate from this principle … [H]olding proceedings, whether wholly or partly, in camera, must be strictly required by the circumstances of the case …"
"Article 6 requires contracting states to maintain fair and public judicial processes and forbids them to deny individuals access to those processes for the determination of their civil rights. It presupposes that the contracting states have the powers of adjudication necessary to resolve the issues in dispute. But it does not confer on contracting states adjudicative powers which they do not possess. State immunity, as I have explained, is a creature of customary international law and derives from the equality of sovereign states. It is not a self-imposed restriction on the jurisdiction of its courts which the United Kingdom has chosen to adopt. It is a limitation imposed from without upon the sovereignty of the United Kingdom itself."
"68. The Court notes that the effect of a prosecution under section 36 of the Act of 29 July 1881 is to confer a special legal status on heads of State, shielding them from criticism solely on account of their function or status, irrespective of whether the criticism is warranted. That, in its view, amounts to conferring on foreign heads of State a special privilege that cannot be reconciled with modern practice and political conceptions. Whatever the obvious interest which every State has in maintaining friendly relations based on trust with the leaders of other States, such a privilege exceeds what is necessary for that objective to be attained.
69. Accordingly, the offence of insulting a foreign head of State is liable to inhibit freedom of expression without meeting any "pressing social need" capable of justifying such a restriction. It is the special protection afforded foreign heads of State by section 36 that undermines freedom of expression, not their right to use the standard procedure available to everyone to complain if their honour or reputation has been attacked or they are subjected to insulting remarks.''
Lord Justice Sedley:
Sir Anthony Clarke MR: