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You are here: BAILII >> Databases >> England and Wales High Court (Administrative Court) Decisions >> T v Secretary of State for Justice [2017] EWHC 3181 (Admin) (07 December 2017) URL: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/Admin/2017/3181.html Cite as: [2017] EWHC 3181 (Admin) |
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QUEEN'S BENCH DIVISION
ADMINISTRATIVE COURT
Strand, London, WC2A 2LL |
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B e f o r e :
(SIR BRIAN LEVESON)
MRS JUSTICE WHIPPLE D.B.E.
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T |
Claimant |
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- and - |
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SECRETARY OF STATE FOR JUSTICE |
Defendant |
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James Strachan QC and Benjamin Tankel (instructed by GLD, London) for the Defendant
Hearing dates: 21 November 2017
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Crown Copyright ©
Sir Brian Leveson P:
Background
The Application
T's condition
The Policy
"… the validity of the costs, risks and benefits upon which the Defendant relies for the absolute prohibition on assisting suicide, namely (a) the risks to vulnerable people, in particular the risks of life-ending acts without explicit authorisation (LAWER), with reference to empirical experience from jurisdictions where assisted suicide is lawful, including the number of people who will be affected; (b) the risk of a negative impact on palliative care; (c) the risk of a negative impact on doctor-patient relationships and public trust in the public health system; (d) the risk of negative impact upon the ethical principle of the sanctity of life, with particular emphasis on the ethical distinctions between end of life practices that are currently lawful and those that are unlawful"
He also wishes to put his case for relaxing the prohibition and for asserting that reliable safeguards can be put in place to meet any risks.
i) Para 29, where she discusses vulnerability at end of life;ii) Para 41, where she talks of unbearable suffering being a subjective experience incapable of objective measurement;
iii) Para 46, where she disputes the adequacy of the proposed safeguards as a means of protecting the vulnerable.
"It is in my view clear from the judgment at first instance in the Carter case … and from even the superficial examination of the evidence which the appellants now in effect invite as their primary case … that it would be impossible for this Court to arrive at any reliable conclusion about the validity of any risks involved in relaxing the absolute prohibition on assisting suicide, or (which is surely another side of the same coin) the nature or reliability of any safeguards which might accompany and make possible such a relaxation, without detailed examination of first-hand evidence, accompanied by cross-examination. This has not occurred in this case, but, in its absence, I do not see how one can accept the appellants' submission …"
"This is not a trial of an issue of clinical negligence or the like. The resolution of the claim for a declaration of incompatibility did not require there to be cross-examination of any of the expert or other witnesses. The question at issue is whether Parliament has a proper basis for maintaining in place the prohibition against provision of assistance for suicide contained in section 2. This does not require us to set out and analyse in full detail the expert and other evidence placed before us. We refer to the evidence to the extent that it is necessary to do so to determine Mr Conway's claim for a declaration of incompatibility."
Mr Bowen counters this point by arguing that it was never suggested in Conway that there should be cross-examination of any witnesses, and therefore this passage should carry little, if any, weight in the determination of this application. Further, he argues that Conway is to be distinguished on its facts and in other respects.
"Parliament is also better placed than the court to make the relevant assessment regarding the likely impact of changing the law in the matter. The consideration given by Parliament through its processes (including Select Committee investigations and reports) to the issue of assisted dying over the years has been more thorough and extensive than could be achieved in a court hearing to determine issues of law."
Mr Bowen submitted that the Court was here making a point which was specific to Mr Conway's case and not of general application; but in the alternative, if the Court was seeking to make a point of wider application, to the effect that Parliament, not the Court, was better placed to assess the proportionality of the statutory prohibition on assisted suicide, then he would argue that Conway was wrong and that a different Divisional Court hearing this claim would not be bound to decide the issue in the same way.
"109. Parliament is the body composed of representatives of the community at large ([230]) with what can be called a democratic mandate to make the relevant assessment in a case where there is an important element of social policy and moral value-judgment involved with much to be said on both sides of the debate ([229] and [233]). There is not a single, clear, uniquely rational solution which can be identified; the decision cannot fail to be influenced by the decision-makers' opinions about the moral case for assisted suicide, including in deciding what level of risk to others is acceptable and whether any safeguards are sufficiently robust; and it is not appropriate for professional judges to impose their personal opinions on matters of this kind ([229]-[230] and [234]). In Nicklinson in the Court of Appeal, Lord Judge CJ aptly referred to Parliament as representing "the conscience of the nation" for decisions which raise "profoundly sensitive questions about the nature of our society, and its values and standards, on which passionate but contradictory opinions are held" (Court of Appeal, [155]). Parliament has made the relevant decision; opponents of section 2 have thus far failed to persuade Parliament to change the law despite active consideration given to the issue, in particular in relation to the Falconer Bill which contained essentially the same proposals as Mr Conway now puts before the court; and the democratic process would be liable to be subverted if, on a question of moral and political judgment, opponents of the legislation could achieve through the courts what they could not achieve in Parliament ([231] per Lord Sumption, referring to R (Countryside Alliance) v Attorney General [2008] AC 719 , [45] per Lord Bingham and AXA General Insurance Ltd v HM Advocate [2012] 1 AC 868 , [49] per Lord Hope).
110. Parliament is also better placed than the court to make the relevant assessment regarding the likely impact of changing the law in the matter. … As Lord Sumption said at [232]:
'… the parliamentary process is a better way of resolving issues involving controversial and complex questions of fact arising out of moral and social dilemmas. The legislature has access to a fuller range of expert judgment and experience than forensic litigation can possibly provide. It is better able to take account of the interests of groups not represented or not sufficiently represented before the court in resolving what is surely a classic "polycentric problem". But, perhaps critically in a case like this where firm factual conclusions are elusive, Parliament can legitimately act on an instinctive judgment about what the facts are likely to be in a case where the evidence is inconclusive or slight: see R (Sinclair Collis Ltd) v Secretary of State for Health [2012] QB 394, especially at para 239 (Lord Neuberger of Abbotsbury MR), and Bank Mellat v HM Treasury (No. 2) [2014] AC 700 , 795-796, paras 93-94, per Lord Reed. Indeed, it can do so in a case where the truth is inherently unknowable, as Lord Bingham thought it was in R (Countryside Alliance) v Attorney General [2008] AC 719, para 42.'"
Legal Context
Analysis
Disposal