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You are here: BAILII >> Databases >> England and Wales High Court (Queen's Bench Division) Decisions >> Sheffield City Council v Brooke [2018] EWHC 1540 (QB) (21 June 2018) URL: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/QB/2018/1540.html Cite as: [2018] WLR(D) 384, [2018] EWHC 1540 (QB), [2019] QB 48, [2018] 3 WLR 791 |
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QUEEN'S BENCH DIVISION
SHEFFIELD DISTRICT REGISTRY
Strand, London, WC2A 2LL |
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B e f o r e :
____________________
SHEFFIELD CITY COUNCIL |
Claimant |
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- and - |
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PAUL BROOKE |
Defendant |
____________________
Owen Greenhall (instructed by Lloyds PR Solicitors) for the Defendant
Hearing dates: 5 to 7 June 2018
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Crown Copyright ©
Mr Justice Males :
Introduction
"I will not:
i) enter any safety zone erected around any tree within the area shown edged red on the plan attached hereto;
ii) seek to prevent the erection of any safety zone;
iii) remain in any safety zone after it is erected;
iv) knowingly leave any vehicle in any safety zone or intentionally place a vehicle in a position so as to prevent the erection of a safety zone;
Nor will I encourage, aid, counsel, direct or facilitate anybody else to do any of the matters in paragraphs (i) to (iv) above including by posting social media messages."
"4. First, as I hope I made clear in my August 2017 judgment, I expressed no view then, one way or the other, as to the merits of the tree felling programme or the objections to it. That remains the position. It is not for the court to have any view about this or for any such view to play any part in the decision which I now have to make. That decision is whether the defendants or any of them are in breach either of their undertaking or of the injunction.
5. Second, I recognise that the tree felling programme has excited some very strong emotions. That is certainly so in the case of the present defendants who object strongly to the felling of healthy trees. Their views are shared by a large number of Sheffield citizens and others, many of whom have been both vocal and active. On the other hand, there are also strong views on the other side, albeit less vocal. The evidence was that many residents support the programme.
6. Third, it is useful to recall the history of these proceedings. The challenge to the council's tree felling programme began with an application for judicial review which failed. In proceedings brought by Mr David Dillner it was held that the council's decision to remove trees was a decision made pursuant to its statutory duty to maintain the highway and was lawful: see R (Dillner) v Sheffield City Council [2016] EWHC 945 (Admin). That was followed by the council's application for an injunction. For the reasons which I gave more fully in my judgment, I held that even if the action taken by protesters had initially been a lawful exercise of the right to protest in order to encourage the council to think again, it was apparent that the council had thought again and had decided that it was in the interests of the people of Sheffield as a whole to maintain its policy. That was, therefore, the considered decision of the democratically accountable statutory body charged with responsibility for determining how the highway should be repaired and maintained and how public resources should be allocated. Whatever view may be had about its decision, it was accountable to the people of Sheffield through the ballot box.
7. Fourth, since the tree felling programme began there have been not one but two opportunities for the people of Sheffield to consider this issue. In May 2016 there was an election in which all 84 council seats were contested. In May 2018 there was a further local election. Politically controversial as this issue undoubtedly is, the fact is that on both occasions the people of Sheffield voted for councillors a majority of whom supported the tree felling programme.
8. Fifth, and fundamentally, this is a society governed by the rule of law. It is for the people to vote for their elected representatives at both national and local level. Parliament then makes the law, which includes determining the functions to be carried out by local authorities. Parliament has entrusted to local authorities, in this case Sheffield City Council, the function of repairing and maintaining the highway. It is then for the courts to interpret and, where necessary, enforce that law. If a court gets the law wrong, as sometimes happens, the aggrieved party can appeal to a higher court. The defendants in this action could have sought permission to appeal against my judgment if they considered that the law gave them the right to continue to prevent tree felling by maintaining a presence within safety zones. They did not do so. I have no doubt that they were competently advised as to the prospects of an appeal and took the view that an appeal would not have any real prospect of success.
9. Sixth, it follows that the injunction which I granted reflects the considered decision of the democratically elec ted body entrusted by Parliament with the responsibility of repairing and maintaining the highway and is in accordance with the law.
10. Seventh, it was because of the importance of democratic accountability in this case that I sought reassurance at the outset of the hearing of this application that the application was brought with the approval of democratically elected councillors including specifically the Leader of the Council. It may be, as Mr Yasser Vanderman for the council told me, that the decision whether to bring this application was constitutionally a decision for the council's Legal Director to make. Nevertheless, I would have been uneasy in the circumstances of this case if an application was being made on behalf of the council to commit citizens of Sheffield to prison without the support of democratically elected councillors. In response to my enquiry, I was told that the application was supported by the Leader of the Council.
11. Eighth, it is critical to the rule of law that the orders of the court should be complied with. If we were to reach a position where orders made by the court could be ignored with impunity by those who disagree with them, we would have lost something very precious."
Legal principles
(1) The burden of proof is on the applicant to show that the defendant has intentionally committed acts which are contrary to the order or undertaking.
(2) This must be proved to the criminal standard.
(3) The conduct prohibited must be clearly stated in the order or undertaking.
(4) If the order or undertaking is reasonably susceptible to more than one meaning, the meaning favourable to the defendant should be adopted.
The application to commit Mr Brooke
(1) Is it in principle a defence to an application to commit for contempt that the defendant did the prohibited act in defence of another person?
(2) If so, who has the burden of proof?
(3) Does the criminal or civil law test apply?
(4) Did Mr Brooke have an honest belief, alternatively an honest and reasonable belief, that it was necessary to do the prohibited act?
(5) Was it reasonable for Mr Brooke to do the prohibited act?
The evidence
The 22nd January incident
Use of force
"(1) A person may use such force as is reasonable in the circumstances in the prevention of crime, or in effecting or assisting in the lawful arrest of offenders or suspected offenders or of persons unlawfully at large."
"First of all, let me define what I think is meant by 'force'. In the context of outside premises of course there is no problem about force unless there is a gate or something of that sort. The constable simply enters the place and is authorised to do so by section 2(6). If he meets an obstacle, then he uses force if he applies any energy to the obstacle with a view to removing it. It would follow that, if my view is correct, where there is a door which is ajar but is insufficiently ajar for someone to go through the opening without moving the door and energy is applied to that door to make it open further, force is being used. A fortiori force is used when the door is latched and you turn the handle from the outside and then ease the door open. Similarly, if someone opens any window or increases the opening in any window, or indeed dislodges the window by the application of any energy, he is using force to enter, and in all those cases a constable will have to justify the use of force."
Is doing the prohibited act in defence of another a defence in principle?
Who has the burden of proof?
Does the criminal or civil law test apply?
"17. … One of the main functions of the criminal law is to identify, and provide punitive sanctions for, behavio ur that is categorised as criminal because it is damaging to the good order of society. It is fundamental to criminal law and procedure that everyone charged with criminal behaviour should be presumed innocent until proven guilty and that, as a general rule, no one should be punished for a crime that he or she did not intend to commit or be punished for the consequences of an honest mistake. …
18. The function of the civil law of tort is different. Its main function is to identify and protect the rights that every person is entitled to assert against, and require to be respected by, others. The rights of one person, however, often run counter to the rights of others and the civil law, in particular the law of tort, must then strike a balance between the conflicting rights. … As to assault and battery and self- defence, every person has the right in principle not to be subjected to physical harm by the intentional actions of another person. But every person has the right also to protect himself by using reasonable force to repel an attacker or to prevent an imminent attack. The rules and principles defining what does constitute legitimate self-defence must strike the balance between these conflicting rights. The balance struck is serving a quite different purpose from that served by the criminal law when answering the question whether the infliction of physical injury on another in consequence of a mistaken belief by the assailant of a need for self-defence should be categorised as a criminal offence and attract penal sanctions."
"I do not see that there is any a priori reason why the criteria should be identical. Indeed, as Lord Scott has pointed out (para 17), there is a clear difference between the aims of the two branches of the law. The criminal law has moved in recent years in the direction of emphasising individual responsibility. In pursuance of this trend it has been held in different areas of the crimina l law that it is the subjective personal knowledge or intention of the accused person which has to be established … So in the case of self-defence it has been held that if a defendant is labouring under an honest mistake, even if it is regarded as unreasonable, the defence is open to him … The function of the civil law is quite distinct. It is to provide a framework for compensation for wrongs which holds the balance fairly between the conflicting rights and interests of different people. I agree that that aim is best met by holding that for the defence of self-defence to succeed in civil law the defendant must establish that he honestly believed in the existence of facts which might afford him that defence and that that belief was based upon reasonable grounds. …"
Did Mr Brooke have an honest belief that it was necessary to do the prohibited act?
Was it reasonable for Mr Brooke to do the prohibited act?
"74. The crucial question, in my opinion, is whether one judges the reasonableness of the defendant's actions as if he was the sheriff in a Western, the only law man in town, or whether it should be judged in its actual social setting, in a democratic society with its own appointed agents for the enforcement of the law. …
76. It is a fundamental characteristic of the state as a social structure that, in the classic formulation of Max Weber (Politics as a Vocation (Politik als Beruf), 1918), it
'claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory … The right to use physical force is ascribed to other institutions or to individuals only to the extent to which the state permits it.'
77. That formulation does not of course answer the questions which arise in these appeals, because the appellants say that the state, by its legislation, did indeed permit them to use physical force in the circumstances which existed, or which they honestly thought to exist. But when Parliament speaks of a person being entitled to use such force as is reasonable in the circumstances, the court must, in judging what is reasonable, take into account the reason why the state claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force. A tight control of the use of force is necessary to prevent society from sliding into anarchy …
78. In principle, therefore, the state entrusts the power to use force only to the armed forces, the police and other similarly trained and disciplined law enforcement officers. Ordinary citizens who apprehend breaches of the law, whether affecting themselves, third parties or the community as a whole, are normally expected to call in the police and not to take the law into their own hands. In Southwark London Borough Council v Williams [1971] Ch 734, 745 Edmund Davies LJ said:
'the law regards with the deepest suspicion any remedies of self- help, and permits those remedies to be resorted to only in very special circumstances.
79. There are exceptions when the threat of serious unlawful injury is imminent and it is not practical to call for help. The most obvious example is the right of self-defence. As Hobbes said (Leviathan, Chapter 27):
'No man is supposed at the making of a Common-wealth, to have abandoned the defence of his life, or limbes, where the Law cannot arrive time enough for his assistance.'
But, he went on to say:
'To kill a man, because from his actions, or his threatnings, I may argue he will kill me when he can, (seeing I have time, and means to demand protection, from the Soveraign Power) is a crime.'
…
81. What is true of the use of self- help to protect one's own interests is a fortiori true of the use of self- help to protect the interests of third parties or the community at large. In a moment of emergency, when individual action is necessary to prevent some imminent crime or to apprehend an escaping criminal, it may be legitimate, praiseworthy even, for the citizen to use force on his own initiative. But when law enforcement officers, if called upon, would be in a position to do whatever is necessary, the citizen must leave the use of force to them.
82. What if the sovereign power, when called, will not come? Sometimes this is for operational reasons, as when the police lack the resources to provide protection (see, for example, R v Chief Constable of Sussex, Ex p International Trader's Ferry Ltd [1999] 2 AC 418). A citizen whose person or property is under threat would in such a case be entitled to take reasonable steps to protect himself.
…
83. The right of the citizen to use force on his own initiative is even more circumscribed when he is not defending his own person or property but simply wishes to see the law enforced in the interests of the community at large. The law will not tolerate vigilantes. If the citizen cannot get the courts to order the law enforcement authorities to act (compare R v Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis, Ex p Blackburn [1968] 2 QB 118) then he must use democratic methods to persuade the government or legislature to intervene.
84. Often the reason why the sovereign power will not intervene is because it takes the view that the threatened action is not a crime. In such a case too, the citizen is not entitled to take the law into his own hands. The rule of law requires that disputes over whether action is lawful should be resolved by the courts. If the citizen is dissatisfied with the law as laid down by the courts, he must campaign for Parliament to change it. …
86. My Lords, to legitimate the use of force in such cases would be to set a most dangerous precedent. As Lord Prosser said in Lord Advocate's Reference No 1 of 2000 2001 JC 143, 160G-H:
'What one is apparently talking about are people who have come to the view that their own opinions should prevail over those of others … They might of course be persons of otherwise blameless character and of indubitable intelligence. But they might not. It is not only the good or the bright or the balanced who for one reason or another may feel unable to accept the ordinary role of a citizen in a democracy'."
"18. Although it is undesirable to attempt a synthesis of Lord Hoffmann's speech and thereby dilute subtle articulations of principle, certain points are clear. First, ordinary citizens who apprehend a breach of the law are normally expected to call the police and not take the law into their own hands. In general, the use of force by individuals in the prevention of crime must be confined so as to avoid anarchy, see [77] and [78]. Secondly, the use of force to prevent crime may be legitimate and give rise to the defence 'in a moment of emergency, when individua l action is necessary to prevent some imminent crime', see [81]. Thirdly, the right of a citizen to use force is even more circumscribed when not in defence of his own person or property, but deployed to enforce the law in the interest of the community at large, see [83] and [84]. Fourthly, while the law recognises conscientious protests and civil disobedience, the honestly held beliefs of protestors as to the legality of certain activities cannot be allowed to subvert the forensic process, see [89], [90] and [93]. Fifthly, in the light of these points, a court should be prepared to conclude that the defence under s.3(1) is not available to a defendant and, in such circumstances, the issue of justification should be withdrawn from a jury, see [94]."
"25. Although it is not possible to set out all-embracing principles which can be derived from these cases, certain themes emerge. First, the defence under section 3(1) of the CLA 1967 operates as a justification for the use of force rather than an excuse to use force, and is linked to the concept of necessity. There must be an apprehension of a need to use force (or, I would accept for reasons that I will come to, in an appropriate case something less than force) to prevent an imminent or immediate crime; or as expressed in Hale, Pleas of the Crown (1778) volume 1 (p.52) 'an actual and inevitable danger'. There must be a clear nexus between the use of force and the prevention of crime; and there is a clear difference between a protest against what is regarded as objectionable and even illegal conduct on the one hand, and the use of force to prevent an imminent and immediate crime on the other. … Third, on an application to consider the ambit of a defence under section 3(1) of the CLA 1967, a court should consider whether, on the most favourable view of the facts, such a defence is available. In doing so, it should keep firmly in mind the points raised in the speech of Lord Hoffmann in R v. Jones (Margaret) which I have sought to identify above. If there is no proper evidential basis on which the defence can be said to be available, it should be withdrawn from consideration. … Fifth, … I do not accept that the speech of Lord Hoffmann in R v. Jones (Margaret) at [73]-[94] can be dismissed as obiter dicta. Whether or not they were strictly speaking necessary for the decision can be debated. What is plain is that they provide a clear and cogent exposition of the legal issues that will arise in this type of case, with which the other members of the House of Lords agreed."
Conclusion